Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni arrived in the Gulf on a tightly scheduled tour of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE, using the trip to press two urgent aims for Rome: to steady energy supplies threatened by conflict around Iran and to reassure key Gulf partners as the region absorbs the fallout from military escalation. The visit began in Saudi Arabia on Friday, April 3, and was expected to move to Doha on Saturday before a stop in the UAE.
The journey comes at a difficult moment for Europe’s energy planners. Disruption around the Strait of Hormuz has sharpened fears over oil and liquefied natural gas flows, while Italy, one of Europe’s larger energy importers, is trying to shield households and industry from higher costs. Reuters reported that Gulf suppliers account for about 10% of Italy’s gas imports and 12% of its oil imports, figures that explain why Rome is treating the tour as more than a routine diplomatic engagement.
Meloni’s government has framed the visit as both an energy-security mission and a gesture of solidarity. Italian officials said she would offer support to Gulf states that have come under pressure from Iranian attacks linked to the wider confrontation involving the United States and Israel. That dual message matters politically for Meloni, who is trying to project Italy as a dependable Mediterranean and European actor while also protecting domestic consumers from the knock-on effects of instability far beyond its borders.
Saudi Arabia was the first stop and, symbolically, the most visible. The kingdom remains central to any conversation about spare oil capacity, regional diplomacy and the wider Gulf security architecture. According to reporting on the trip, Meloni’s meetings there were expected to cover not only energy supply but the broader regional security picture, including threats to shipping and infrastructure. Her arrival also carried wider diplomatic weight because Reuters described it as the first visit by a European Union leader to Saudi Arabia since the outbreak of the war involving Iran on February 28.
Qatar is no less important to Rome’s calculations. It is one of the world’s biggest LNG exporters, and any interruption to Qatari shipments has immediate consequences for import-dependent economies. Reuters said Qatar had paused LNG shipments because of the near-closure of Hormuz, with 10 cargoes cancelled through mid-June, while Iranian strikes had cut Qatar’s LNG export capacity by 17%. Those numbers, if sustained, would tighten the global gas market and leave European buyers competing harder for replacement supply. That helps explain why Doha features prominently in Meloni’s itinerary.
The UAE, meanwhile, sits at the intersection of energy, logistics, finance and strategic investment. Rome has spent the past two years deepening ties with Abu Dhabi in areas ranging from clean energy to industrial co-operation and defence. A stop there allows Meloni to discuss not only immediate supply concerns but also longer-term partnerships involving infrastructure, capital flows and energy diversification. The National said the two-day trip was also intended to deepen co-operation with the three Gulf states across energy and security, reflecting a broader push rather than a single-issue emergency mission.
At home, the pressure is tangible. Bloomberg reported that Italy extended a fuel-tax cut through May 1 at a budgetary cost of about €500 million as the government tried to blunt the impact of higher energy prices. That move underlines the domestic stakes for Meloni. An external shock in the Gulf quickly becomes a political and economic issue in Rome, where transport costs, industrial margins and consumer confidence are all sensitive to sustained increases in fuel and gas prices.
Italy is not relying on the Gulf alone. Reuters reported that Meloni had already sought additional gas from Algeria and planned a visit to Azerbaijan, while Italy is also set to begin receiving LNG from the United States’ Golden Pass facility from June. That wider strategy suggests Rome is trying to spread risk rather than depend on a single corridor or supplier. Even so, the Gulf remains indispensable because of the scale of its exports and the speed with which disruption there can move global prices.
The journey comes at a difficult moment for Europe’s energy planners. Disruption around the Strait of Hormuz has sharpened fears over oil and liquefied natural gas flows, while Italy, one of Europe’s larger energy importers, is trying to shield households and industry from higher costs. Reuters reported that Gulf suppliers account for about 10% of Italy’s gas imports and 12% of its oil imports, figures that explain why Rome is treating the tour as more than a routine diplomatic engagement.
Meloni’s government has framed the visit as both an energy-security mission and a gesture of solidarity. Italian officials said she would offer support to Gulf states that have come under pressure from Iranian attacks linked to the wider confrontation involving the United States and Israel. That dual message matters politically for Meloni, who is trying to project Italy as a dependable Mediterranean and European actor while also protecting domestic consumers from the knock-on effects of instability far beyond its borders.
Saudi Arabia was the first stop and, symbolically, the most visible. The kingdom remains central to any conversation about spare oil capacity, regional diplomacy and the wider Gulf security architecture. According to reporting on the trip, Meloni’s meetings there were expected to cover not only energy supply but the broader regional security picture, including threats to shipping and infrastructure. Her arrival also carried wider diplomatic weight because Reuters described it as the first visit by a European Union leader to Saudi Arabia since the outbreak of the war involving Iran on February 28.
Qatar is no less important to Rome’s calculations. It is one of the world’s biggest LNG exporters, and any interruption to Qatari shipments has immediate consequences for import-dependent economies. Reuters said Qatar had paused LNG shipments because of the near-closure of Hormuz, with 10 cargoes cancelled through mid-June, while Iranian strikes had cut Qatar’s LNG export capacity by 17%. Those numbers, if sustained, would tighten the global gas market and leave European buyers competing harder for replacement supply. That helps explain why Doha features prominently in Meloni’s itinerary.
The UAE, meanwhile, sits at the intersection of energy, logistics, finance and strategic investment. Rome has spent the past two years deepening ties with Abu Dhabi in areas ranging from clean energy to industrial co-operation and defence. A stop there allows Meloni to discuss not only immediate supply concerns but also longer-term partnerships involving infrastructure, capital flows and energy diversification. The National said the two-day trip was also intended to deepen co-operation with the three Gulf states across energy and security, reflecting a broader push rather than a single-issue emergency mission.
At home, the pressure is tangible. Bloomberg reported that Italy extended a fuel-tax cut through May 1 at a budgetary cost of about €500 million as the government tried to blunt the impact of higher energy prices. That move underlines the domestic stakes for Meloni. An external shock in the Gulf quickly becomes a political and economic issue in Rome, where transport costs, industrial margins and consumer confidence are all sensitive to sustained increases in fuel and gas prices.
Italy is not relying on the Gulf alone. Reuters reported that Meloni had already sought additional gas from Algeria and planned a visit to Azerbaijan, while Italy is also set to begin receiving LNG from the United States’ Golden Pass facility from June. That wider strategy suggests Rome is trying to spread risk rather than depend on a single corridor or supplier. Even so, the Gulf remains indispensable because of the scale of its exports and the speed with which disruption there can move global prices.
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